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Africa is by far the least developed continent in terms of protection of personal data. At present there are 11 countries out of 54 which have implemented comprehensive data privacy legislation. Nine of them namely, Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gabon, Ghana, Mauritius, Senegal and Seychelles belong to sub-Saharan Africa. The other two countries, Morocco and Tunisia, belong to North Africa. Yet, there are seven countries in sub-Saharan Africa with either Bills or drafts on data privacy pending before their respective legislative or executive bodies. These include Ivory Coast (Cote d Ivoire), Kenya, Madagascar, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and South Africa. The rest of African countries have neither Bills nor drafts of such laws. The dominant discourse on privacy and data protection advances the culture of collectivism as the reason for the state of privacy and regulation in Africa. Founded on the normative assumptions of the old debates engraved in universalism and cultural relativism, the main argument held in this discourse is that Africa s collectivism denies an individual a space to advance claims for privacy. The present study sought to interrogate this dominant discourse and in particular investigating the emerging trends of adopting comprehensive data privacy legislation in Africa. To avert from the inherent pitfalls of normative assumptions, this study engaged a hybrid methodology. It triangulated the doctrinal, empirical and international comparative law methodologies. Moreover, in order to gain in-depth insights of the state of privacy, the study delimited to three sub-Saharan African countries: Mauritius, South Africa and Tanzania as cases. Based on documents collected and interviews held, this study has found that although collectivist culture is an important factor in explaining the limited state of privacy in Africa, it is not a catch-all phenomenon. Instead, technological, economic, political and social processes have significantly affected privacy consciousness and consequently the systems of privacy and data protection in the continent.

Intro -- SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: U.S. AND CHINESE ECONOMIC ENGAGEMENT -- SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: U.S. AND CHINESE ECONOMIC ENGAGEMENT -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- Chapter 1 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: TRENDS IN U.S. AND CHINESE ECONOMIC ENGAGEMENT -- WHY GAO DID THIS STUDY -- WHAT GAO FOUND -- ABBREVIATIONS -- BACKGROUND -- U.S. and Chinese Economies -- Anticorruption Laws for U.S. and Chinese Firms -- U.S. and Chinese Government Agencies Engaged in Sub-Saharan Africa -- U.S. Government Entities -- Chinese Government Entities -- U.S. GOALS HAVE EMPHASIZED DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA, WHILE CHINA'S POLICY UNDERSCORES MUTUAL BENEFIT AND NONINTERFERENCE -- U.S. Goals and Programs for Sub-Saharan Africa Include Focus on Development and Emphasis on Democracy and Economic Growth -- China's Stated Policy for Africa Emphasizes Mutual Benefit and Noninterference -- DATA SHOW GROWTH IN U.S. AND CHINESE TRADE WITH SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA SINCE 2001, BUT DATA ON CHINA'S GRANTS, LOANS, AND INVESTMENTS ARE LIMITED -- U.S. and Chinese Trade in Goods with Sub-Saharan Africa Increased from 2001 to 2011 -- Crude Oil and Other Natural Resources Have Dominated U.S. and Chinese Imports of Goods from Sub-Saharan Africa -- Chinese Exports of Machinery, Transport Equipment, and Manufactured Goods Exceeded U.S. Exports of Goods to Sub-Saharan Africa -- United States and China Have Several Common Trading Partners in Sub-Saharan Africa, but China's Reach Is Greater -- U.S. Trade in Services with Sub-Saharan Africa Is Estimated to Exceed 11 Billion per Year, but Data on China's Trade in Services with the Region Are Unavailable -- U.S. Government Grants and Loans to Sub-Saharan Africa Have Increased since 2001, but China Does Not Publish Data on Its Financing -- Reported U.S. Investment in Sub-Saharan Africa Exceeded China's Reported Investment for 2007 through 2011

In this section on the Capabilities, Trends & Economics of regional military defense capabilities, the military trends & priorities of Sub-Saharan Africa are assessed. The diminished optimism for the military piece support capability in countries of the African Union (AU) to deal with regional conflict is related to maritime security, & humanitarian aid for HIV\AIDS & famine. A comparative discussion of conflict in the region delineates advances & challenges in the Horn of Africa and Central Africa. The change in budgetary trends to move from defense spending to a focus on poverty, social services, & infrastructure spending is evidenced throughout the entire region. A detailed assessment follows of forty-four countries military capabilities that inventories troops, organizations by service & equipment, deployment, & foreign forces. Tables. J. Harwell

"Die US-amerikanische Außenpolitik gegenüber den Staaten Sub-Sahara-Afrikas basiert auf sicherheitspolitischen und außenwirtschaftlichen Interessen. Zwar nehmen die Sahelzone und Teile Ostafrikas seit 2001 geostrategisch einen hohen Stellenwert im Kampf gegen den internationalen Terrorismus ein, doch kommt der Afrikapolitik im Gesamtkontext US-amerikanischer Außenpolitik noch immer eine untergeordnete Bedeutung zu. So verfolgte bis 2011 keine der US-amerikanischen Regierungen eine langfristige Afrikastrategie. Der globale Wettbewerb um wirtschaftlichen und politischen Einfluss, den die USA zunehmend mit China austrägt, kann sich weiterhin zu einem wichtigen Parameter für die US-amerikanischen Beziehungen mit rohstoffreichen afrikanischen Staaten entwickeln. Sicherheitspolitisch wird die Legitimität und Effektivität des 2008 geschaffenen Regionalkommandos für Afrika (AFRICOM) ein Thema auf der außenpolitischen Agenda bleiben." (Autorenreferat)

Positive & negative developments that have influenced the security of sub-Saharan nations are examined. Whereas the spread of HIV/AIDS & inadequate food resources have impeded some sub-Saharan countries economic & social development, it is demonstrated that political violence has ravished the development of other countries throughout the region, eg, the Ivory Coast & Nigeria. Even though the Comprehensive Peace Agreement has temporarily stifled internecine conflict in Sudan's Darfur region, it is stressed that peace negotiations in Darfur are shaky & that multiple cross-border disputes further threaten regional security. Improvements to the South African National Defense Forces capabilities are noted, & the economic impact of sub-Saharan countries defense expenditures is pondered. Moreover, detailed information regarding two aspects of sub-Saharan nations defense capabilities -- the service organizations & their deployment -- is provided. Tables. J. W. Parker

How to best address the range of diverse security challenges on the continent has in recent years been a preoccupation of many defense and security establishments. The African Standby Force (ASF) is the African Union's prescribed instrument for eventually meeting the military demands of the continent. West African states faced a range of ongoing security challenges in 2011, notably the conflict in Cote d'Ivoire and continued efforts to combat Islamist armed groups operating in the Sahel. East Africa faced a range of disparate security challenges in 2011, including the continued Ethiopia-Eritrea stand-off, war in Somalia, drought and ongoing hostilities between and within Sudan and South Sudan. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Contents -- I. Introduction -- II. International and Regional Initiatives Supporting Gender Budgeting -- III. Countries with Prominent Gender Budgeting Efforts -- A. Uganda -- B. Rwanda -- IV. Other Examples of Gender Budgeting in Sub-Saharan Africa -- V. Conclusions and Lessons for Improving Gender Budgeting in the Region -- References -- Figures -- 1. Sub-Saharan African Countries Included in this Review -- 2. GDI, Time-Consistent Version -- 3. Uganda: Trends in Gender Inequality in Uganda and a Comparator Country Group -- 4. Uganda: Trends in School Enrollment